- This bill is a solution in search of a problem. We are trying to prevent school shootings that are simply not happening in our state (4 incidents since 1990 but only 1 in a high school/K-12, 0 incidents involving legally registered firearms, 1 incident was the Boston bombing suspects). Getting illegal weapons off the street should be the priority of the state legislature, not punishing the thousands of legal, law abiding, gun owners.
- Section by Section:
- Section 131T, Paragraph F - This seems to subvert the sixth amendment. You have the right to face your accuser and dispute the claims in a court during due process.
- Section 131U, Paragraph C - I think this does need to be limited to an enumerated albeit broad set of threatening actions by the respondent. There should be very little wiggle room. What if the petitioner filing heard personally repugnant remarks but ones that may be protected speech? There must be actual physical threats.
- Section 131U, Paragraph C Note (iii) - How can you get this info (mental health issues of respondent) without violating HIPAA laws? This must be obtained legally.
- Section 131U, Paragraph C Note (ix) - Ironic that this text is limited to firearms why not enumerate other weapons? Brandishing swords or knives should count as the same thing. There have been plenty of people stabbed in Massachusetts.
- Section 131U, Paragraph C Note (xi) - This also seems like a privacy violation. Who can verify that there is substance/alcohol abuse without clinical testimony?
- Section 131W - This section is a clear violation of due process and should be struck in its’ entirety. Someone who feels under extreme/imminent threat should file a restraining order, we already have mechanisms for dealing with this, let’s not create redundant ones that could be abused.
- Section 131X, Paragraph (1)(c) - This section switches the burden of proof from the accuser to the accused which seems to violate basic principles of law… The State should need to prove via preponderance of evidence that the person poses a significant danger (still) in order to keep the order in effect.
I am a conservative, libertarian, and objectivist... but small, because going for something 100% means you are eliminating anything overlapping that adds value.
Monday, April 23, 2018
H3610 - Extreme Risk Protection Order Act.
Saturday, February 17, 2018
You Are the Militia: A Logical Case for the Second Amendment
You Are the Militia: A Logical Case for the Second Amendment
1. The Madd Libs argument
- militia - is a non-federal group of citizen soldiers who would fight with federal troops depending on the war. In today's world, this is the National Guard but there are other state militias and even "constitutional militias". For this word, we substitute in “press corps”, which is a non-federal group of journalists and correspondents whose job it is to report on events to the people.
- security - in the context of the 2nd amendment, the well being, safety of, etc.. we can substitute in “free speech”... so a militia is necessary to security, just like a press corps is necessary to free speech
- free state - I think this is self evident. In order for a state to remain free it needs the ability to protect itself both from the inside and out. Indeed, free speech and freedom of the press is also absolutely necessary to a free state. So we don't even need to perform a substitution here.
- arms - Arms... what are arms (besides those strange appendages attached to your shoulders)? Well, “arms” is short for armaments and armaments are ANY military weapon or equipment. I stress ANY because the founding fathers weren’t so stupid as to limit the 2nd amendment to firearms. So, we can substitute in ANY particular tool used to publish information but let's just keep it wide ranging, like they did and say "publishing mechanisms" (which would include computers, the internet, pen and paper, etc...) just as "arms" pertains to any weapon of war.
- "well regulated" - Simply means that it is controlled by rules. Certainly, militias are controlled by military style rules... by the same token, a press corps is also controlled by rules... for example, no plagiarizing fellow journalists, protect your sources, don't fake sources or lie. Journalists are (or at least they used to be) held to these standards and if your journalistic outfit didn't abide by them, the press corps would not consider you part of their discipline.
Now if this were re-implemented as the new 1st Amendment. Do you think anyone would argue that you must be a member of the press corps to buy Microsoft Word, publish a website/blog or even a podcast? You don’t need to be a legal scholar for this...honestly. It does however, leave the door open to what should be able to be purchased by a "civilian" in the cause of freedom of the press... Well, let's think on that. Putting in a special law that says only press corps members may purchase equipment deemed "dangerous" would clearly violate our new 1st amendment but if you put in a law that says you can't purchase equipment without special training, then you have solved the problem, because it does not violate the spirit of the amendment. Just like many states (and even countries) argue that you can't purchase a firearm without taking safety and other training classes for it. You are not violating the "infringement" part because anyone presumably can get themselves trained and qualify for the purchase.
2. A Historical Context for Militias
The militia shall consist of two classes, namely, the organized militia, composed and organized as provided in this chapter, and the remainder, to be known as the unorganized militia. The unorganized militia shall not be subject to duty except in case of war, actual or threatened, invasion, the prevention of invasion, threats to homeland security and the assisting of civil officers in the execution of the laws.
3. The definition of "arms" and the modern world.
If all this still does not convince you that the founding fathers wanted the second amendment to apply to the average citizen, I still have one more argument to make...4. The "outdated" argument
OK, I lied, I have more arguments to make, and, in full disclosure, I have to admit that I didn't come up with this argument myself. I'm paraphrasing it from multiple sources and adding some of my own spin on it. It's a great argument and I'm embarrassed I didn't come up with it so I wanted to include it here.The anti-2A side argument goes something like this ... The second amendment is outdated and no longer applicable because our founding fathers lived in a world where firearms consisted primarily of single shot, muzzle loading rifles and pistols that were cumbersome and required at least 20 seconds to reload. Weapons technology has so greatly improved that there is simply no way the second amendment can apply anymore.
This argument seems very logical but there are a couple gaping holes in it. Number one, we go back to the "arms" issue ... (e.g., what are "arms"?) so you have to acknowledge that "arms" covers any weapon and is not restricted to muskets or 18th century weaponry because it does not enumerate any. If that's true, then the technology of "arms" is irrelevant to the argument. Therefore the argument is invalid right off the bat. Number two, technological changes and improvements happen across the board, in terms of areas of technology. So claiming that the second amendment is obsolete because weaponry has improved is like saying the first amendment is obsolete because of the invention of the internet or even the typewriter. We don't limit our first amendment rights to standing on a soapbox in the town square or utilizing a movable type printing press.
5. The caste argument
One of the worst outcomes of dismantling the Second Amendment would be the emergence of a two-tiered society: those allowed to be armed, and those forbidden.
The United Kingdom, to its credit, partially addressed this by disarming both the public and much of the police force. But even there, crime involving knives and improvised weapons has surged. And elite units still carry heavy arms when needed.
In the U.S., we’re heading toward a different path. The 2004 Law Enforcement Officers Safety Act allows current and retired police officers to carry concealed firearms nationwide, regardless of local laws. Certain industries—security, bail enforcement, armored transport—are granted exemptions too.
This could lead to a type of caste system:
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The authorized: police, ex-police, government agents, certain corporations.
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The disarmed: the rest of the population, presumed guilty or incapable by default.
This isn’t speculative—it’s historically common. Consider:
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Feudal Japan, where only the Samurai were allowed to bear arms. Farmers, stripped of weapons, created entire martial arts systems from fishing and farming tools.
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19th century America, where private agencies like the Pinkertons, armed to the teeth, were used to intimidate workers and suppress dissent.
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Apartheid South Africa, where weapon laws were enforced along racial lines.
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Modern authoritarian regimes like North Korea or Venezuela, where a government monopoly on force ensures obedience.
Even in societies that value public readiness—like Switzerland or Sweden, where military service and arms proficiency are expected of citizens—the armed populace serves as a stabilizing, not destabilizing, force. More recently, in Israel, during the October 7th attacks, while nearly every Israeli citizen is required to serve in the military, the fact is that Israel's strict gun laws may have prevented average citizens from having at least a chance of fighting back against invading Hamas terrorists.
If the U.S. creates a legal structure where only state-approved actors may be armed, we risk more black markets (we certainly already have them), organized corruption, and civil unrest. Prohibition taught us that banning something widely desired by law-abiding people doesn't remove it—it drives it underground and empowers the worst actors.
6. The Enforcement paradox
Many progressive voices argue we can’t realistically deport 11 million undocumented immigrants—it’s too expensive, logistically impossible, and morally questionable.
But then they turn around and propose confiscating 400 million privately owned firearms, many of which have sentimental, historic, or financial value to peaceful, law-abiding Americans.
Let’s be consistent.
If deportation is unworkable due to scale and resistance, gun confiscation is even less practical. It would criminalize millions of formerly law-abiding people and create enormous resistance. The black market would flourish, criminals would remain armed, and enforcement would fall—once again—on a stressed and imperfect police force.
We don’t solve crime by outlawing objects—we solve it by changing culture, enforcing existing laws, and strengthening community bonds.
7. The Fragile Exception – Why Only the Second?
The Bill of Rights was written as an explicit firewall between government power and individual liberty. It doesn’t “grant” rights—it acknowledges them. When combined with later amendments like the 15th (which protects voting rights regardless of race) and the 19th (which extended suffrage to women), it represents one of the most profound blueprints for human freedom ever constructed.
Yet one amendment is often treated as optional or expendable: the Second.
Why is that? Why is this one right—the only one explicitly protecting the means of self-defense and resistance—so often challenged, curtailed, or reinterpreted in ways that would never be tolerated for speech, religion, or voting? Indeed, why would so many citizens essentially renounce this right or completely ignore it?
There are several interlocking reasons, some emotionally powerful, others philosophically or politically driven:
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The emotional weight of gun violence.
Firearms are involved in real, tragic events—often horrifying and sudden—which naturally evoke visceral, emotional responses. When mass shootings dominate the headlines, there is an understandable outcry for action. But emotional reactions, however valid, should not be the foundation of permanent restrictions—just as we wouldn't abolish free speech because it can be used for hate, or eliminate due process because it can be abused by the guilty. -
The unique nature of the right itself.
The Second Amendment is distinct among rights in that it is, to some, an implicit check on government power by force. That concept makes people uncomfortable—sometimes justifiably so—and may seem extreme in modern civil society. But it was considered essential by the Founders, and by thinkers like Frederick Douglass, who once said:"A man’s rights rest in three boxes: the ballot box, the jury box, and the cartridge box."
This right inherently recognizes that liberty must sometimes be defended—not just by words or votes, but by force as a last resort. That can be frightening. But the fear of misuse should not override the foundational reason for its existence.
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The evolving view of constitutional rights.
Some legal scholars believe the Constitution is a “living document”—open to reinterpretation in light of changing social norms. Even Thomas Jefferson seemed to support this idea when he wrote:"I am not an advocate for frequent changes in laws and constitutions, but laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind... We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy..."
While reinterpretation has allowed society to evolve—ending slavery, expanding civil rights—it has also been used to question long-standing rights. The Second Amendment is regularly challenged under this doctrine, especially at the state level, where legislation often pushes the limits of what constitutes “infringement.” For decades, many accepted the view that the Second Amendment only applied to formal militias, until the Supreme Court clarified in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) that it also protects an individual's right to own firearms for lawful purposes.
This is not to say the Second Amendment should be immune from all discussion or regulation—but its foundational role in the Bill of Rights means it deserves the same reverence and protection we afford the rest. If we wouldn’t suspend the First Amendment after a hateful protest, or abolish the Fourth after a criminal exploits search and seizure protections, why are we so quick to gut the Second after tragedy?
In conclusion
- Self defense is a right. Human nature runs the full spectrum between good intention and evil intention. Good people must be able to defend themselves, their loved ones, and maybe even innocent strangers from persons that would do them harm. Without access to weapons, they will do this by any means necessary... Martial arts were initially developed because farmers were forbidden weapons by the feudal warlords who lorded over them. The farmers developed hand to hand fighting techniques and adapted farming tools into weapons. It's impractical to deny the right of self-defense because it is an automatic instinct. -- Weapons can be made/developed out of just about anything. Our current level of technology is the long result of chemical and mechanical advances made over millennia... You cannot put the toothpaste back in the tube, the gun, like the atom bomb, cannot be un-invented. Humanity’s task isn’t to erase dangerous tools—it’s to learn how to live responsibly alongside them
- Both the left and the right are wrong in one major way. They want to change people from the outside in utilizing laws or forcing beliefs down people's throats. The founding fathers recognized that democracy and our constitution can only work with a moral population. The better way is to slowly change people is from the inside out. Invite a reasonable anti-gun person to the shooting range and let them try it out. Sit down and talk with people who oppose your beliefs. Preaching to the choir doesn't make the congregation any bigger. However, as believers in the second amendment and the right to self defense as well as all the freedoms protected by the constitution, we must be aware of John Adams famous admonition "Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other."... what this means to me is that if, at our base, we're not a "good" people or a "moral" people. If we are chaotic, serve only ourselves and have no regard for our fellow citizens, then the protections of the constitution will not be able to stand, because self restraint is an implicit component of those protections as well. I say this as someone who wants unrestrained free speech but wouldn't want to abuse it. Many of the attempts we see today to subvert the constitution, be they onerous gun laws, government attempts to demote/remove "disinformation" from social media, etc... are the result of misguided intents to impose that "morality" and restraint, only externally... that cannot be, it most come from within. This is where we, as conservatives fail. When someone posts demonstrably fake stories, when we justify violence against people with whom we simply disagree... we fall out of John Adams' wise criterion. Nobody should want to live in a society where the only time you feel secure is when you're armed.